| Yawning
Bread. 20 September 2008
Burmese patriots "undesirable", says Singapore government
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The full articles in the Straits Times and Today are archived here. The Straits Times helpfully provided a list of the "unlawful" things that the Overseas Burmese Patriots (OBP) organised, compared to the "lawful" things that other Burmese groups did. You will see from the list that everything that was outdoor was "unlawful", but indoor things permitted, a point I will come to later. Does a country have the right to decide who enters and who should leave? Of course. On that principle, there should be no dispute. The question is what considerations go into deciding who should leave? If the considerations are arbitrary or poorly founded, are they rightful?
As you can see above, Wong said these individuals had persistently defied the laws of Singapore. I think Singaporeans need to ask themselves, how lawful are these laws, or at least, how lawful is the manner in which these laws are interpreted? Because if they are unlawful, then there is no moral justification for doing what the government did. It is important in this discussion to grasp the concept that laws can be unlawful. For example, if Parliament passed a law that made capital punishment mandatory for organising an opposition party, many people would be aghast by how unjust and disproportionate such a law would be. Laws that do not meet a test of justice and proportionality are unlawful, as are those that contradict some fundamental principles of human rights. For example, refer to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights:
It is possible to argue that this law regulating public assembly is lawful in that there are public concerns, e.g. public safety, that justify having to obtain a licence before going ahead. Unlike some anti-government groups, Yawning Bread does not dispute the principle behind such a law. But the reality is that licences are almost never given, except for such government-promoted events like the Chingay float parade. This pattern of refusal strongly suggests that the intent of the law has been thwarted; instead of applying a reasoned consideration of public safety, it has been used to stifle dissenting opinion – a breach of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, now regarded as customary international law. Hence, the manner of implementation of this law is unlawful. If the law itself, or its implementation, has been unlawful, how justifiable is the government's claim that ignoring these laws is then "unlawful"? And is a poorly founded claim a good enough reason to justify deportation? Can you penalise someone when the rule he is said to have broken is an unjust rule in the first place? Our local newspapers have not reported that Singapore's diplomatic missions abroad have been the target of protests. These must have been organised by what Wong derisively referred to as "uninformed foreign groups", out to "court public and media attention". Here are pictures of protests mounted outside our High Commission in London on 29 August 2008, forcing a staffer there to put up a notice saying it's closed for the afternoon.
If we do not think it likely that they
would suffer such a fate, then we must ask ourselves: Why is Singapore
different? Why is our idea of lawfulness so strange? © Yawning Bread
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Footnotes None Addenda
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