| Yawning
Bread. 26 August 2008
The first fruits of civil disobedience
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The reason? The Home Ministry held a press conference in the morning in which they provided details of the new regulations pertaining to demonstrations at Hong Lim Park. Reporter after reporter, from as far away as Australia, wanted a reaction from me.
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I could see that all of them were angling the story in way flattering to the government. The changes were presented as a big step ("Don't you think this is a really significant liberalisation?") and an act of magnanimity from almost out of the blue ("Did you expect them to go this far?") Other questions suggested it would be churlish of citizens to spurn the government's offering and not quickly plan some demonstrations, as if demonstrations can be whipped up on demand like so many trade shows, divorced from the tidal forces of social and political issues. One reporter whom I was on the way to meet for an interview tried to be helpful, messaging me in advance so that I could formulate my answers in good time: "Please think of possible assemblies, demos, parades you can organise." She (and perhaps other reporters too) seemed somewhat taken aback when I refused to laud the changes. They are nowhere near what I consider satisfactory, or in any substantial way respectful of our civil rights, I emphasised. They are as small as a pea. What's the point of taking a magnifying glass to marvel at the icing on a pea? To all of them, I kept repeating that the freedom to demonstrate is meaningless unless it is applicable to all of Singapore. For more of my views, just read what I wrote in Demonstrations to be allowed in Hong Lim playpen * * * * *
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The two words "civil disobedience" were nowhere to be found in any of the questions. Yet, if a journalist wants to do justice to the news, this aspect should be central to the story. The government's retreat, not only over demonstrations, but also over the question of political films, podcasting and vodcasting during elections, cannot be understood without acknowledging the recent history of civil disobedience. The victory belongs to Chee Soon Juan and Chee Siok Chin this coming 1st September when the rules are set to change. They stood their ground for about 5 days and nights when the police tried to bundle them out of Hong Lim Park in October 2006 during the World Bank Summit, generating heaps of bad press for the Singapore government.
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I am convinced that the so-called "liberalisation" was simply to give the government a bit more manoeuvering room the next time something similar happens. Why am I sure? Just consider this: Did anybody ask for the right to demonstrate at Hong Lim Park? If there was no outstanding request, then who was the government trying to please by making this move? It should also be remembered that what the Chees really wanted to do then is still disallowed even after the rules are changed. In October 2006, they wanted to march from Hong Lim Park to Parliament House. If they try to do it this September, despite the relaxed rules, they will still not be allowed to. That tells you how much the changes amount to. Another point worth noting: The well-known Bak Chor Mee podcast by blogger Mr Brown, which spoofed the James Gomez affair during the 2006 elections, may still not pass muster under the new rules which bar "completely made-up" material. The main fight for freedom for political films has been led by Martyn See who played cat and mouse with the government with his video documentaries on Chee Soon Juan and Said Zahari, both of which can still be found on Youtube despite being banned. Seelan Palay and Ho Choon Hiong have lately followed him into the skirmish with their own documentaries. Podcasters and vodcasters are harder to name. Except for Lee Kin Mun ("Mr Brown") as mentioned above, I think many of the others who put political stuff onto the internet during the last general election (May 2006) did so anonymously, though the government could easily have traced them if they set their minds to it. Anonymous or not, the effect was still the same: a challenge to the government to enforce the highly restrictive laws that they had written. On all these fronts, the government was faced with an embarrassing gap between what the law said and what was do-able without losing moral force. And that was the whole point of civil disobedience: to create a gap that can only be closed by the government making an accommodation. These changes that have been announced are that (partial)
accommodation. These are the first, albeit tiny, fruits of civil disobedience.
We should say it like it is. © Yawning Bread
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Footnotes None Addenda None
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