| Yawning
Bread. 3 May 2008
Packable politics and its press
|
|
|
|
Apparently, a few days after Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong rejected calls for Home Affairs Minister Wong Kan Seng to resign over the escape of the alleged terrorist from Whitley Road Detention Centre, there was a column in the Straits Times, which The Online Citizen described in its editorial thus:
Xenoboy in his blog noted how it followed the same style as a previous
Andrew Loh, writing also in The Online Citizen, said this was hardly the first time that netizens were being attacked. It's been going on for more than a month, since soon after the escape.
Gerald Giam observed:
Apparently, this followed a call by Senior Minister (and former Prime Minister) Goh Chok Tong to "enter a 'new phase of reflection and repair' and to move on", according to a news report attributed to Channel NewsAsia [1]. * * * * * What I am more interested in is the risk of a government being seduced by its own propaganda into thinking that an issue is securely closed when in fact it is not. The issue may continue to fester, but a compliant mainstream media lulls the government into thinking otherwise -- complacency writ large, in other words. This, especially if a government convinces itself that views expressed on the internet are unrepresentative and merely rantings and therefore not worth taking into account. For example, the government might have thought that the case for high ministerial salaries has been convincingly won, or at least that people have resigned themselves to it. But in fact, it might have been the fuel to the demand for Wong Kan Seng's resignation.
This is a very insightful explanation. Indeed, it is hard to see how the detainee's escape by itself can exercise people so much since it is not a bread-and-butter issue though part of the reason may have been the way the government (through the mainstream media, again) deliberately raised the profile of the incident at the beginning. For a week, there was page after page in the newspapers about the manhunt, all reinforcing the opening line that Mas Selamat was an extremely dangerous man who planned to plant bombs around Singapore, poison our water supply and fly planes into Changi airport, just like the 2001 attacks in New York City. After making such a lot of noise about how serious the matter was, after marshalling thousands of volunteers to put posters up -- and now these ubiquitous posters only serve to remind us about the government's incompetence and impotence -- after inconveniencing tens of thousands at border checkpoints, it is naïve of the government to think that people won't hold the highest levels responsible. Or maybe they knew that, but were confident that, with their sway over editors, they could turn the tap on and off whenever it suited them. However, my own tale of how I wasn't reading the papers during those critical days, but was getting my news from the web, should be a cautionary reminder that the government may be overrating the significance of the tap that they do control. The nature of newspapers (and TV news) is such that daily, editors make judgements about what is topical. In Singapore's case, what is topical is limited by assessments as to what the government would not want as news. The absence of certain headlines makes it easy for the government to believe that certain issues have been successfully packed away.
However, human assessments of others, including politicians, don't operate like that. Disappointments, betrayals and any number of impressions are not packed away, but are just added to the pot. From time to time, the pot boils over, and all these issues, which our ruling circles may think over and done with, resurface. On the other hand, you could argue that it's not so simple. People also forget, and that's how governments get away with administering bitter policy pills in the early part of their electoral term. This is true, but unless you have a free media, it is hard to gauge what people remember and what they forget. Is the internet that free media? Is there no truth that it tends to represent only the privileged young? Perhaps there is, but we should soberly remind ourselves that in Malaysia's recent general election, the tone of the internet chatter was a better predictor of the voting outcome than the tone of the country's mainstream press. Dangers lurk when a government begins to rely on their ability to get the media dog to jump at their bidding. Instead of doing right, it may at times become more tempting for those in power to do quiet. Today, it's a detainee's escape that is "no longer topical", tomorrow it might be a bread-and-butter issue that resonates more widely with ordinary voters. Would the government bulldoze its way through and rely on its editors to ignore popular feeling and "move on"? Yet another day, it might be scandalous insensitivity or incompetence in some area. Would the culture of impunity remain undisturbed because the press can be relied upon to turn off the tap of criticism? * * * * * When UBS began reporting its losses from the subprime mortgage crisis last year, GIC extended a helping hand. It subscribed to 11 billion Swiss Francs (US$9.74 billion) worth of mandatory convertible notes in December 2007. The notes had a coupon rate of 9 percent, and when converted in 2 years' time, it would, depending on the conversation rate, give GIC a 9 percent stake in the bank, becoming its largest single shareholder. Or so the announcement then said [2].
Within 3 months of pocketing Singapore's money, UBS admitted to another SwFr 19 billion worth of losses. According to a Guardian newspaper report dated 22 March 2008, "Shares in the Swiss bank are down 46% so far this year" [3]. To shore up its capital base, UBS announced a rights issue of SwFr 15 billion, which would dilute GIC's December investment unless it was willing to ante up more money [4]. Yet, in a recent interview with Bloomberg, Minister Mentor Lee Kuan Yew sounded sanguine.
He also refuted demands for greater transparency and accountability. Being too upfront about one's investment strategies would allow competitors to stymie your plans, he pointed out.
Five years is an awfully long time. You can lose a lot of money in that period without anyone knowing. There are many other ways to be publicly accountable which Lee does not seem eager to consider and which our mainstream reporters aren't eager to ask. For example, GIC could report annually a brief statement of gains and losses, and then after a delay of 12 months (so that others cannot anticipate its investment moves) provide more detail. As for keeping knowledge of profits from the public because people would shortsightedly demand windfalls, I think it only signals his condescending attitude towards the average Singaporean's maturity. It is also convenient that, with the same 5-year blackout policy, losses can also be kept from the public. We are supposed to place complete trust in the government, it appears. After all,
"Led astray", he said. Meaning not responsible. A victim of others' shenanigans. And as for the immense "franchise" and "expertise" of UBS, I was immediately reminded of Barings, the merchant bank founded in 1762 with a solid, centuries-old reputation, but which collapsed in a heap in 1995 due to the actions of a single Singapore-based trader trader, Nick Leeson. Even more worryingly, the 24 April 2008 edition of the Economist magazine gave a less upbeat assessment of UBS than Lee, in its story dissecting a summary of the bank's internal investigation into how it ended up in such a mess. That summary was released on 21 April. According to the magazine,
After detailing how the bank overlooked the risks it was getting into, through getting its priorities wrong and a culture of executives' taking each others' word that things were fine, the magazine asked whether this culture continues.
That's quite a different assessment of
UBS from Lee's. Are we slip-sliding into another scandal? Will there be
calls for over-sized heads to roll if it comes to pass? Will such calls be
packed away by mainstream editors once they become inconveniently loud and
a ministerial wrist is flicked? © Yawning Bread
|
|
|
|
Footnotes
Addenda None
|
|