Yawning Bread. September 2007

Towards a human rights mechanism


    

 

 

This is a call to Singaporeans to take a greater interest in the Asean Human Rights project. However, since I myself had to spend a number of days figuring out what was what, the purpose of this essay is merely to provide readers with some very basic information about what's going on and why it is important.

Both our government and mainstream media have not done much to educate Singaporeans about the issue, yet over the long term, this project should prove very important to our maturity as a nation and as a regional association. This hope, however, will not be realised if Singaporeans remain apathetic to it.

 

Background

There have been a few news articles about how the Asean foreign ministers have recently agreed to include a human rights body as an objective within the proposed Asean Charter, though we should not kid ourselves. The primary focus of the Charter [1] is still to put in mechanisms that will institutionalise the much-needed economic integration.

However since the EU and the US have sometimes cold-shouldered Asean because of the grouping's ineffectiveness in moderating the Burmese junta's behaviour, the remaining 9 members of Asean have felt compelled to at least pay lip service to human rights.

 
Showpiece

I am 99% certain that as far as the Singapore government is concerned -- though other Asean governments could be more genuine -- the proposed Asean human rights body is to serve as nothing more than a showpiece, to fend off criticism from the West.

Just read what Second Minister for Foreign Affairs Raymond Lim told Parliament recently (box on the right). "I do not see the human rights body affecting Singapore's domestic laws," he said. "I think we need to take into account quite critically what is the history, the realities and culture of all the 10 Asean members states."

He's already saying having a human rights body will change nothing domestically.

But before cynicism gets the better of us, consider this: Indonesian dictator President Suharto set up the country's Human Rights Commission in 1993 by presidential decree. At the time, almost everybody thought it would amount to nothing more than a rubber stamp to paper over the government's well-documented human rights violations. The commission was widely thought to be a response to the intense international pressure mounted on the Indonesian government in the wake of the 1991 massacre in then-Indonesian-occupied East Timor, where security forces shot and killed over 200 demonstrators.

But Suharto's regime collapsed in 1998 and since then, the Human Rights Commission has gradually gained independence in tandem with the country's democratisation.

So even if the Singapore government sets up a toothless human rights commission locally, the people can still make something out of it through lobbying over a period of time. But to do that, ordinary citizens must organise, by forming a Working Group.

 
Glossary

At about this point, I have introduced enough terms to confuse readers. So before I go on, here are some explanations.

Human rights mechanism
A defined set of processes and institutions with the aim of protecting human rights. There can be a mechanism at each national level and one at the Asean level.

Human rights commission
A formal panel set up by law charged with the responsibility to investigate human rights abuses, with some means to correct these abuses, usually by getting the relevant government agencies to act. A commission would therefore be part of a formal mechanism [2]. Again, there can be a human rights commission at each national level and one at the Asean level.

Human rights body
A vague term used by Asean ministers. It can mean anything. As you can see from Raymond Lim's remarks, he sometimes speaks of a commission, and sometimes speaks of a body, but either way, it will "more likely be consultative than prescriptive."

Human rights mechanism working group (or just "Working group")
A bottom-up grouping of citizens concerned about human rights, who get together to press or shame the government into setting up a human rights mechanism. If a mechanism/commission already exists, to press them to do their jobs more effectively.

 
To illustrate the relationships of all these things, here are 2 diagrams. The first shows the expected set-up within a single country (indicated by a rectangle).

 

 

 

 

28 August 2007
Straits Times

Human rights body 'consultative'

The proposed Asean Human Rights Commission's powers will 'more likely be consultative rather than prescriptive'.

Second Minister for Foreign Affairs Raymond Lim yesterday disclosed this in Parliament, adding that 'Singapore as Asean chair will work with all the member countries to ensure that we establish something that is practical, meaningful and has everyone's support'.

This led Madam Halimah Yacob (Jurong GRC) to ask if 'this commission will really be effective in monitoring human rights in the region if it's only meant to be consultative'.

Mr Lim replied that it is early days yet, saying: 'Discussions are just starting. So we need to see exactly how it goes.

'But I think what is important when you say about standards, whether individuals have rights, I think we need to take into account quite critically what is the history, the realities and culture of all the 10 Asean member states.

'This is to ensure that what we have is meaningful and has the full support of all the Asean member states.'

Nominated MP Thio Li-Ann, a constitutional law academic, had tabled the question in Parliament, asking what implications, if any, the commission may have for Singapore's domestic laws and foreign policy.

Said Mr Lim: 'I do not see the human rights body affecting Singapore's domestic laws or foreign policy. It will, however, raise Asean's international standing.'

Asean foreign ministers last month agreed to the need for such a body, despite the initial objection of Myanmar.

 

 

The second shows the situation as exists today in the ten Asean countries.

 
The situation in various Asean countries today

As you can see, out of the 5 founding members of Asean, Indonesia, Malaysia, Philippines and Thailand have set up by law their national human rights commissions. Singapore is the only country that does not have one. What a disgrace.

Furthermore, citizens and civil society in these four neighbours and even Cambodia have also set up national working groups to act as watchdogs over their human rights commissions. Laos too is working towards this.


The Working Group for an Asean Human Rights Mechanism publishes a newsletter.
     

In addition, the existing working groups among the neigbouring countries have got together to form a joint Working Group for an Asean Human Rights Mechanism based in Manila. For short, we call it the "Asean Working Group". I am told that the Asean secretariat recognises and liases with it, even though it was formed without any official blessing.

Locally, there is not a squeak from our government about setting up a national human rights mechanism in Singapore. But it shouldn't stop citizens from setting up a working group just like the Cambodians have, to network with the Asean and other working groups.

 

 

 

 

Setting up a working group in Singapore

In the coming month or two, readers will hear from civil society actors, including Yawning Bread, a call to come forward and take part in a proposed Singapore working group. Initial discussions have been held among a few people (see box too) and the intent is that the working group should be as broadly-based and inclusive as possible, and thence the call is likely to go out widely.

What the working group's aims will be will naturally be decided by the people who participate, but advice from neighbouring countries' working groups, which have much more experience, have been that the aims should be narrow and non-confrontational. According to them, a working group should be very focussed on educating the citizenry about the importance of human rights, getting the government to set up a human rights mechanism and to help that mechanism work effectively. It should not be campaigning for any specific human right -- that is for aggrieved persons or specific NGOs to do so.

The working group's contribution is to create awareness and the avenues for resolution of human rights disputes. If the avenues have already been created (e.g. human rights commissions established) then the working group is there to watch over and make sure the avenues are not closed off by special interests. It can do this by networking with the Asean working group and the proposed Asean Human Rights Commission, if the national government is unwilling to act.

 
7th workshop on Asean human rights mechanism

Moreover, Singaporeans ought to know that our government has agreed to host the 7th workshop on Asean human rights mechanism in June or July 2008 -- this I learned from the Asean Working Group -- and it would be shocking and embarrassing if Singapore's civil society had no interest in such a conference.

If we can get our act together now, we can use that opportunity to network with others in Asean.

 
Long term – the European example?

At this not-even-foetal stage, it is impossible to say what the Asean human rights mechanism will eventually look like. But perhaps I should mention the example of Europe for inspiration.

In 1949, a small group of West European countries signed the European Convention on Human Rights, which contained articles covering such things as freedom of expression, the right to life and liberty, non-discrimination, fair trials, etc. The Convention also set up, in 1950, the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR).

In other words, they signed a charter and set up a mechanism.


The European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg
  

By 2007, just about all countries in Europe, including Russia and Turkey, have acceded to the Convention and are therefore included within the jurisdictional scope of the ECHR.

Any European citizen can sue his government if he believes that his government has violated one or more articles of the Convention.

Let me cite some notable cases:

In October 1981, the ECHR ruled in favour of Jeffrey Dudgeon who had been interrogated by the Northern Ireland police over his sexual activities. The court found that the territory's criminalisation of homosexual acts between consenting adults was a violation of Article 8 (right to respect for private life) of the European Convention on Human Rights. As a consequence, homosexual sex was decriminalised in Northern Ireland in 1982.

In August 1994, the ECHR ruled that the Danish government interfered with freedom of expression by prosecuting and convicting a journalist for disseminating the racist expressions of others in a television documentary. While recognising that this interference pursued a legitimate aim (i.e. the protection of the reputation or rights of others), the Court found that criminal prosecution was not "necessary in a democratic society" to achieve that aim, and thus constituted a violation of Article 10 of the Convention.

What were the details of this case? Jens Olaf Jersild, a television reporter, had done an interview with a group of young people who called themselves the Greenjackets. During that interview, they made many abusive and derogatory remarks about immigrants in the country, edited down to just a few minutes before the program was aired. Although he was only the interviewer, Jersild was later convicted of aiding and abetting threats, insults and degrading speech on account of race, ethnic origin or belief, etc. This was overturned by the ECHR. 

In July 1998, the ECHR held that the Greek government violated the right to freedom of association when it refused to register a Macedonian cultural group.

In March 2007, the ECHR awarded Alicja Tysiac 25,000 Euros as compensation from the Polish government because Poland did not have clear laws allowing her to obtain an abortion. Tysiac, who was already severely myopic, suffered retinal haemorrhage and three doctors said it would get worse if she continued with her pregnancy. However, due to legal uncertainty, no doctor would authorise an abortion, thereby endangering her eyesight and health.

When will we see such robust justice in Asean? Not anytime soon, of course, but as the old Chinese saying goes, a journey of ten thousand miles begins with a single step. Let's take that step together.

© Yawning Bread 


 

 

 

 

Embarrassing

It was quite embarrassing that a delegation from the Asean working group had to come to Singapore to motivate us to do something for ourselves! 

It comprised:

Carlos Medina, Executive Director of the Ateneo Human Rights Center, Philippines,

Param Curamaswamy, a well-known human rights activist from Malaysia and United Nations Special Rapporteur on the Independence of Judges and Lawyers, [3]

Sriprapha Petcharamesree, Director of the Center for Human Rights Studies and Social Development at Mahidol University and

Marzuki Darusman, former Indonesian Attorney-General.

High-powered people spending time here urging Singaporeans to get off their backsides.

 

Footnotes

  1. The draft of the Charter has not as yet been published, even though it's expected to be signed at the next Asean summit this December. There are no details of what the Charter will say about economic integration, let alone about what mechanism will be set up for human rights.
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  2. However, a human rights mechanism can take other forms besides a commission. In Europe, it mostly takes the form of an national ombudsmen with legal powers to demand compliance by government agencies, and a Court of Human Rights with judicial powers. Neither of such mechanisms have been mentioned for Asean; instead what talk there has been has been about a human rights commission with nothing by way of powers.
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  3. Interestingly, Curamaswamy had been banned by the Singapore government from entering the republic for nearly 20 years. This ban has now been lifted. So to those who think nothing will change in Singapore, here is an example otherwise.
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Addenda

None