| Yawning
Bread. November 2006
But if you can't rape your wife, who can you rape?
|
|
|
|
The problem as always is what constitutes consent. One of the things that the reform of the Penal Code seeks to do is to set out a uniform definition of consent. through proposed new clauses 377F and 377G. They're quite clear and I can't find anything objectionable about them.
|
||
|
But what would be the
situation when the man is married to the woman? The existing law is also
very simple. It says, "Sexual intercourse by a man with his own wife,
his wife not being under 13 years of age, is not rape."
So long as she is older than 12 and married to him, he can have her whenever he wants. Her wishes have nothing to do with it. This comes from a simpler, and more barbaric, time, when women were not considered to have any personal agency, i.e. they were not considered to have a free will of their own. For all practical purposes, they were first the property of the father, and on marriage, the property would be transferred to the husband. The husband could expect to have the right to the sexual use of that female body at any time. The euphemistic term for this is "conjugal rights". The relatively modern tweak to this archaic concept is that of permanent consent: The woman, in agreeing to marry the man is said to have unconditionally given consent to all future instances of sex until the marriage is legally dissolved. The concept can be dated from a statement made by Sir Matthew Hale, Chief Justice in England from 1671 – 1676. Hale wrote: "The husband cannot be guilty of a rape committed by himself upon his lawful wife, for by their mutual matrimonial consent and contract, the wife hath given herself in kind unto the husband which she cannot retract" This established the notion that once married, a woman does not have the right to refuse sex with her husband. This rationale remained largely unchallenged until the 1970's. To this day, Singapore law is based on this principle when it comes to sex within marriage. No matter how coercive the husband is, he cannot be said to be raping his wife (though he may still be guilty of assault and battery). There is what is known as "marital immunity" from rape. However, as the Straits Times on 9 Nov 2006 reported, "Several jurisdictions have marital rape laws, including Britain, the United States, Australia, Taiwan, Hong Kong, Sri Lanka and the Philippines." India too has criminalised marital rape. A sweeping new law, The Protection of Women from Domestic Violence Act 2005, came into effect late October 2006. It has very simple requirements for women to report coercion and abuse, including rape. [2] In the United States, individual states began enacting laws against spousal rape from the 1970's on. By 1993, all 50 states and the District of Columbia have such laws. Currently 17 states and the District of Columbia provide no exemptions from rape laws whatsoever for husbands. * * * * *
|
|
|
In the recent proposals to amend the Penal
Code, Singapore intends to scale back marital immunity, but in a very
limited way. The Explanatory Notes issued by the Ministry of Home Affairs
on 7 Nov 2006 set out the intended changes. The section referring to
marital immunity from rape is as follows:
Indeed, abolition of marital immunity will change the complexion of marriage, but it will be for the better, with two equal parties. Modern marriage is based on mutual respect and love; forced sex cannot have any place in this arrangement. Full abolition of marital immunity will correct an imbalance of rights and legal protection. What about the possibility that it may be abused, with wives holding their husbands to ransom? Theoretically it can happen, but experience in other countries probably indicates that in practice, it doesn't. Admittedly, I am not familiar with the statistics, but I don't recall any headline news about this happening anywhere. In any case, it's easy to guess why it doesn't really happen. For a wife to cry rape is to detonate a nuclear weapon on the marriage, since such a charge will destroy the marriage irretrievably. Moreover, if you're found to have knowingly made a false report, that is an offence on your own part. Making a rape report on her husband is very unlikely to be something a wife does lightly. If anything, the reality may be that even when there is a law in place, rape will continue to be under-reported, within marriage or outside it, for a long time to come.
|
|
|
|
Another concern may be that proving rape within a marriage is extremely difficult. The Straits Times reported that studies in Britain have shown that it is rare to get a rape conviction if the victim had a long-term intimate relationship with the accused. But it's no more difficult than in the case of an unmarried couple in a sexual relationship for some time. If one day, he turns aggressive and rapes her, the law still recognises it as rape and the police and courts have an obligation to sift through the complex details of their intertwined lives to determine the truth. Why is it we expect our police and judges to do this, but flinch from investigating rape within a marriage? It may be hard work, but are we (once again) ignoring the plight of some people on the altar of expediency?
|
|
|
|
Paragraph 3 of the
Explanatory Notes set out the new conditions wherein marital immunity is
to be withdrawn. They look far too bureaucratic and thus unsatisfactory.
The women most likely to be abused and raped by their husbands would be those who are least empowered in their marriages. Perhaps they have low education, or they are financially dependent, or they are foreign wives. They are unlikely to know about or have access to such legal mumbo-jumbo as injunctions and protection orders. Yet without these, the law will not protect them. This is morally unsound. I could even make the argument that this is unconstitutional, because the proposals are in effect social and economic barriers. The women most likely to be able to protect themselves with these legal devices will tend to be the more empowered ones. They are the ones better able to find lawyers who will advise them to take out the necessary protection orders. Therefore, the effect of the proposed conditions would apply unequally to different classes of women, violating Article 12(1) of the Singapore Constitution, which says "All persons are equal before the law and entitled to the equal protection of the law." A law that we can foresee will offer unequal levels of protection to different classes of people, should be repugnant to the Constitution. The solution is simple: Abolish marital immunity entirely; apply the same standards of evidence and the same definitions of consent to sex within marriage as outside it. The only thing holding us back from doing so is a misguided sentimentality about male superiority. A legal principle must ring out loud and
clear: Every person has full sovereignty over his body always. © Yawning Bread
|
|
|
|
Footnotes
Addenda None
|
|