Yawning Bread. July 2006

Gay marriage defeated in New York court


    

 

 

Gay marriage suffered a defeat at the hands of the New York Court of Appeals (the state's highest court) earlier this month. In Hernandez v Robles, the Court ruled 4-2 that "the New York Constitution does not compel recognition of marriages between members of the same sex. Whether such marriages should be recognized is a question to be addressed by the Legislature."

In its editorial of 7 July 2006, the New York Times opined that,

New York's highest court has harmed both the constitutional guarantee of equal protection and its reputation as a guardian of individual liberties by denying same-sex couples the right to marry.

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The ruling involved some twisted legal reasoning. Judges on both sides agreed that marriage is a fundamental right entitled to the highest level of constitutional protection. But the majority decision, written by Judge Robert S. Smith, an appointee of Gov. George Pataki, said this fundamental right applies only to heterosexuals. It said limiting marriage to opposite-sex couples could be based on a sense that children benefit from being raised by two natural parents, even without any hard evidence to show that.

Chief Judge Judith Kaye noted in her dissent that encouraging opposite-sex couples to marry could be good for the welfare of children, but said that does not mean that denying marriage to same-sex couples serves the interests of children in any fashion. She predicted that future generations would consider the new decision "an unfortunate misstep" and look upon barring gay marriage as akin to the laws that once barred interracial marriage. We agree.

 

 
What was the case about?

Currently, New York State regulates marriage through the Domestic Relations Law. Lawyers for the plaintiffs' (i.e. the 44 same-sex couples suing for the right to marry) argued that this law, which limits marriage to opposite-sex couples, violated 2 provisions of the Constitution: the Due Process Clause and the Equal Protection Clause.

In laymen's words, the Due Process clause basically says that no citizen may be deprived of his rights except by laws that are based on sound reason and which have been enacted fairly in accordance with the state and government's own rules. A law that is arbitrary, irrationally-grounded, motivated by prejudice or morally unjust would not satisfy the Due Process provision. Laws are only defensible if they serve a legitimate or compelling state interest [see footnote 1 for more explanation].

The Equal Protection Clause requires all laws and all rights to apply equally to all citizens.

Lawyers for the State of New York conceded that the marriage laws were discriminatory. Their case was built on the argument that discrimination was rational and served a legitimate state purpose.

How rational and legitimate is rational/legitimate enough, is a vexing question in cases of this nature. US courts have long established bars of three heights: strict scrutiny, heightened scrutiny and rational-basis (or minimal) scrutiny. Some explanation for what these mean can be found in the box on the right.

The State conceded too that their arguments would not be able to overcome the more stringent demands of justification required by heightened scrutiny, let alone strict scrutiny.

The State (i.e. the defendants) argued that the court should apply a low bar to this case, the only bar that their arguments could conceivably surmount.

4 out of the 6 judges ruled that a low bar would indeed apply; that being the case, the State was able to satisfy them that the marriage law as it stood was sound.

The dissenting opinion by Chief Judge Judith Kaye said the middle bar (heightened scrutiny) should have been applied, in which case, the State did not have the arguments to overcome it. Moreover, it said that even when measured against the lower bar, the State's case was too weak to convince.

The New York Times saw it that way too. As mentioned above, it felt that the decision "involved some twisted legal reasoning."

 
THE KEY LEGAL ARGUMENTS:

Welfare of children is a legitimate state interest

Now, let's drill down to a deeper layer and examine the key arguments [2].

The majority opinion, written by Judge Robert S. Smith and concurred with by 2 other judges, said that "there are at least two grounds that rationally support the limitation on marriage that the Legislature has enacted."

Both of these are based on the assumption "that marriage is important to the welfare of children."  The first of these two grounds was that marriage provided stability in families, and the second was that the presence of a male and female adult in the family was, based on intuition, better for the children.

Dealing with the first reason, "The Legislature," the judges said, "could rationally decide that, for the welfare of children, it is more important to promote stability, and to avoid instability, in opposite-sex than in same-sex relationships."

This was because heterosexual intercourse produced children, and that heterosexual relationships are "are all too often casual or temporary." Offering them the benefits of marriage --  there are at least 316 identifiable ones, the court said, ranging from tax advantages to health insurance, obligation for financial support and probate -- might induce the otherwise casual couples to stay together, thus providing a stable home of the children so accidentally produced.

The court recognised that same-sex couples do raise children too, but since having children is a deliberate decision, not an accident of a hot date, same-sex couples are almost always more stable than opposite-sex couples. As a consequence, it is rational for the state to deny marriage licenses and the 316 attendant benefits to same-sex couples and their children.


Chief Judge Judith Kaye
  

In her dissenting opinion, Chief Judge Kaye said, "the question before us is not whether the marriage statutes properly benefit those they are intended to benefit -- any discriminatory classification does that -- but whether there exists any legitimate basis for excluding those who are not covered by the law."

While it may meet a legitimate state interest to induce opposite-sex couples to marry and provide better for their children, "the exclusion of gay men and lesbians from marriage in no way furthers this interest. There are enough marriage licenses to go around for everyone."

Just in case anyone is tempted to argue that encouraging people to procreate lies behind the marriage law that is restricted to heterosexuals, Chief Judge Kaye reminded the court that even the dissenting opinion in the Lawrence v Texas (2003) [3] had said that "encouragement of procreation" could not "possibly" be a justification for denying marriage to gay and lesbian couples, "since the sterile and the elderly are allowed to marry".

In other words, if the state says that a certain benefit is meant only for A, but also gives it to B and C, but not D, how can the state still claim the justification that since it is meant only for A, that is why it isn't given to D?

This was partly addressed by the majority's second reason. "The Legislature could rationally believe that it is better, other things being equal, for children to grow up with both a mother and a father."

 

3 levels of scrutiny

US courts use three different tests for claims brought under the Equal Protection Clause.

Laws or policies that distinguish people according to their race or ethnicity require strict scrutiny. This is because people of minority races and countries of origin have been the target of intense discrimination and are obvious targets for discrimination due to the physical nature of their status as a minority. The Court looks very closely at such a classification to make sure that the government has a really, really good reason to make the classification in the application of any law. It is almost always difficult for the government to overcome this heavy burden.

Laws or policies that distinguish individuals based on their gender require intermediate or heightened scrutiny. With classifications that trigger this level of scrutiny, the policy or law is not so closely scrutinized. The justification for intermediate scrutiny is that the level of discrimination against women has not been quite as strong as discrimination against racial minorities. Therefore, the court in hearing cases will require the government to provide a relatively good reason for any law that makes gender distinctions. More recently, there is a trend to apply heightened scrutiny to issues of sexual orientation as well, since it is now recognised that gays and lesbians as a class are, like women, subject to prejudice and discrimination too.

Laws or policies that draw other kinds of distinctions (e.g. by age or physical fitness) need only withstand rational basis scrutiny. The classification that a law sets up must be aligned with the objective of the law. For example, if a law said that only those who are free from infectious diseases can work in restaurants and the catering trade, then that could be reasonable. But if a law said that only right-handed people could do such work, that would be unlikely to meet a rational-basis test.

 

No source for this belief was cited except "intuition and experience". Even so, the majority recognised

(a) "that there are exceptions to this general rule -- some children who never know their fathers, or their mothers, do far better than some who grow up with parents of both sexes," and

(b) that plaintiffs had presented to the court evidence from social science studies that "has detected no marked differences" in how children fared when raised by same-sex families.

Notwithstanding that, the court allowed the legislature to ignore these exceptions in framing legislation. Absent "conclusive proof", the legislature could still be rational while ignoring these facts, it said.

"In the absence of conclusive scientific evidence, the Legislature could rationally proceed on the common-sense premise that children will do best with a mother and father in the home. And a legislature proceeding on that premise could rationally decide to offer a special inducement, the legal recognition of marriage, to encourage the formation of opposite-sex households."

 
The fundamental right to marry does not include the right to marry a person of the same sex

Turning to the specific question of Due Process, the majority asked themselves, firstly, did the present law abridge a fundamental right? Secondly, even if it didn't, was the law based on sound reasoning?

 

 

 

 

It was ironic that a week before the New York Court of Appeals gave its decision, which discounted the evidence provided by plaintiffs that children were not harmed by having gay parents, the Arkansas Supreme Court, in another case, saw and accepted virtually the same evidence as convincing. In a unanimous decision, the Arkansas court ruled that the state had no basis to bar gay couples from adopting children. 

The attempt to do so was merely based on the adoption board's " views of morality and its bias against homosexuals," said the court.

See appendix Arkansas Supreme Court backs gay foster parents

 

The majority found that while in America, there was a fundamental right to marry, there was no fundamental right to marrying a person of the same sex. A gay person has the same right as a heterosexual person to engage in heterosexual marriage. (See box at right). 

Secondly, based on the above considerations of children's welfare, the existing law was reasonable. 

Dissenting, Judge Kaye said, "Central to the right to marry is the right to marry the person of one's choice" otherwise it is meaningless. She referred to the precedent in Loving v Virginia [4].

The majority had said that the landmark case Loving v Virginia (1967) did not establish any precedent regarding same-sex couples. That case only established the right to marry someone of another race.

To think that, Kaye said, would be to misapprehend the question faced by the Court in 1967. Furthermore, if one framed the question so narrowly, it would merely serve to answer one's question the way one wanted. Why did the US Supreme Court in Loving v Virginia decide that Richard Loving had a right to marry a woman of another race? Because the court felt that the fundamental right to marry would be pointlessly theoretical without the right to marry the person of one's choice. That underlying principle is what made Loving v Virginia a relevant precedent to Hernandez v Robles, despite the majority denying it.

 
The question of the appropriate level of scrutiny

Moving on to the specific question of Equal Protection of the Law, I need to refer the reader once again to the explanation in the yellow box above regarding the legal distinctions between strict scrutiny, heightened scrutiny and rational basis scrutiny.

The majority found that these cases did not involve classifying people by their ethnicity or gender. Gay men are free to engage in heterosexual marriage the same say that heterosexual men can, the judges said, so there is no discrimination. Hence, only minimal scrutiny need apply.

Dissenting, Chief Judge Kaye said heightened scrutiny should have applied in this case, for two reasons:

Firstly, sexual orientation, like the characteristic of gender, is "so seldom relevant to the achievement of any legitimate state interest that laws grounded in such considerations are deemed to reflect prejudice and antipathy -- a view that those in the burdened class are not as worthy or deserving as others."

Thus, if a case smells of discrimination by sexual orientation, it should deserve heightened scrutiny.

Secondly, this case is also a case of gender discrimination, and for this reason alone, the case should be subject to heightened scrutiny. Take the example of a woman -– let's call her Jane. She wants to marry Olivia. At the same time, a man John wants to marry Olivia too. The law allows John to marry Olivia, but not Jane. Why not? Simply because of Jane's sex. So Jane's right to marry is being denied by the law on account of her sex.

Thus, this case, she said, involved a "discriminatory classification" and should therefore be "subject to heightened scrutiny." 

Once the matter is subject to heightened scrutiny, the burden should fall on the State to show positive reasons why the marriage law must discriminate against same-sex couples the way it does.

But since the State (i.e. the defendants) had already conceded that it could not overcome heightened scrutiny -- "a test that defendants concede it cannot pass,"  in Kaye's words -- the court should have found for the plaintiffs.

 
Is that all there is?

While defeat in the Hernandez and Robles case is certainly disappointing, the thing that really grabs you about this instance is "Is that all there is?" as Evan Wolfson wrote in the Advocate magazine, 10 July 2006. Are these arguments "all they’ve got to justify dragging out the pointless exclusion of gay couples from marriage"?

"Under proper equal protection analysis, neither the 'accidental procreation' rationale for heterosexual 'stability through marriage' nor the 'best interests of the children' rationale for favoring one kind of family holds up as a justification for the denial of gay people’s freedom to marry," Wolfson wrote.

"The silver lining of the decision is, ironically, its thinness, illogic, and refusal to consider the lives of real people, including gay families."

© Yawning Bread 


 

This kind of reasoning is terrible and it is shameful that a court of law indulges in it.

It is equivalent to a country passing a law that bans halal food, and its courts refuse to strike down that law, on the grounds that the law does not discriminate against Muslims. Muslims are free, the judges might say, to eat non-halal food just like non-Muslims. Likewise, the ban affects non-Muslims too. So there is no discrimination.

 

Footnotes

  1. Excerpt from a good discussion here:
     
    .... modern phrases like "rationally related to a legitimate government interest" and "narrowly tailored to advance a compelling government interest." These phrases give rise to obvious questions: just what is a legitimate government interest, and what differentiates it from a compelling government interest?
     
    The Court has given us some slight guidance on the matter by declaring certain things to be not legitimate state interests. In particular, the Court has held many times that for the majority to single out an unpopular minority to bear unfair burdens, on the basis of mere prejudice, is not a legitimate state interest. This is usually said in the context of equal protection cases rather than due process cases, but it applies nevertheless because these cases have said that singling out an unpopular group for no other reason than its unpopularity is not legitimate. It seems to follow, therefore, that for the government to deprive someone of liberty in pursuit of such an illegitimate goal, is a violation of "due process of law."
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  2. The written decision can be found here
    http://www.courts.state.ny.us/ctapps/decisions/jul06/86-89opn06.pdf  
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  3. Lawrence v Texas was the landmark case in which, in 2003, the US Supreme Court struck down all sodomy laws as unconstitutional. 
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  4. Loving v Virginia was the landmark case in which, in 1967, the US Supreme Court struck down all laws that restrict inter-racial marriage. See the article Activist judges and the coming of mongrels 
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Addenda

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