December 2002

Déjà vu, the unipolar world


    

 

 

What a short window it's been between the end of the Cold War and the start of another global struggle. In the 12 years between the fall of the Berlin Wall 1989 and the collapse of the twin towers 2001, we've had The End of History, the end of the economic cycle, and the end of both these illusions.

In that intervening period, quite a few people have remarked how unique it was that world politics was dominated by a single superpower. Never before in history, they pointed out, and then wondered if we might be on the threshold of a new political experience.

I come from the old world. On the flimsy basis of my Chinese ancestry, I claim the right to see history in epochal cycles. I deny the fantasy of believing there is anything really new about the human condition -- and politics is essentially the human condition writ large.

Through these 12 years, I've often wondered why so many Americans failed to see that we've been here before. Many times. There is nothing really unique about a unipolar world. In fact, historically, it's been quite common. 
 

The 'world' is relative

First, we must understand what "world" means. It doesn't mean the globe. It means the extent of human awareness of places and peoples. It's only recently that our world became coterminous with the globe.

Through most of history, China dominated its world, which stretched from Turkestan to the Ryuku Islands, from Ceylon to the Amur River. Through the first few centuries of the Christian era, Rome, later Constantinople, dominated its world, which stretched from Britain to Persia.

On the American continents, at different times, the Incas and the Aztecs dominated their respective worlds.

I have long suspected that there will be parallels between the experiences of these historical powers, and what we're going to see in the coming decades. And I didn't think those parallels would be quite like some of the assumptions made during the 1990s.  

 

The Wilsonian concert of nations

What were those assumptions? 

If we look back at that decade, there was quite a bit of hope that there'd be a bigger role for multilateral organisations, such as the United Nations or the World Trade Organisation. We spoke about global treaties on the environment, international war crimes tribunals, free trade and worldwide labour standards. The common strand to all these hopes was a Wilsonian conception of world affairs, where nation states would come together like civilised folks, discuss and negotiate and agree upon international norms. That somehow the new world would be a grander extension of the civil, democratic and republican values that made America.

It has struck me for some years now that nowhere in the histories of China, the Roman Empire, the Early Islamic Caliphate, and certainly not the human-sacrificing Aztecs, was such a polite concert of nations ever conceived, let alone tried in their respective worlds.

The reality, then as now, was that states were not equal. They were not equal in their economic size, technological prowess or military might. More importantly - and it's something we all too often forget today - states were not equal in their existential reality. Yes, some states had governments that could control their territories and populations effectively: they could marshal resources for state objectives, like irrigation works, temple-building, trade and defence. They could live up to their international obligations. But other states were barely functioning. Some were very small, with neither enough power nor resources to control much territory. In fact, there was never any real distinguishing line between a state and a mere tribe. And finally, at the extreme margins, they diminish into autonomous bandits or pirates that acknowledged no sovereign. 

If one looks around the world today, without the rose-tinted glasses that the Wilsonian ideal makes us wear, this is exactly what we see. Here and there are failed states that exist only in name: Somalia, Congo, Liberia. On the ground, the reality is one of warlords and rampaging armies, bandits and refugees. Other states have governments that, to varying degrees, are unable to control the territory or the population that is nominally theirs. In large parts of such countries, e.g. Georgia, Indonesia, Colombia, or Pakistan, actual power lies with drug lords, tribal chiefs or private militias.

Nor should we forget that most countries on this earth have bureaucracies riddled with corruption. Governmental policies are thwarted and subverted by personal interests at every level.

With so many thugs, thieves and incompetents around, how we can still believe in a Wilsonian concert of nations, I have never understood. How does one negotiate with governments that can't deliver? 
 

 

Blinkered by European history

It may be that our over-reliance on Western or European history breeds an instinctive view that international politics should normally be made up of roughly equal states in strategic balance. Indeed, for many centuries, Europe was the one world which did not have a super-dominant power. France, England, Spain, Austria, Sweden, Prussia and Russia in various ever-shifting alliances, counter-balanced each other.

Moreover, there was some cultural homogeneity among the countries.

Extending from the European experience, we make the grave error that this kind of multipolar international system would be normal for other worlds too, and thus come to believe that today's unipolar world is unique.

 

Concentric rings

If we give ourselves a reality check, we'll see the world as concentric rings around the sole superpower. 

  • In the closest ring may be stable states with effective governments sharing many of the values and aims of the dominant power. In the old days, they were the vassal or tributory states; today, they're called democratic allies. 
  • A little beyond are states that are stable and effective, but which contest the superpower's agenda more robustly. 
  • And then beyond, we slide into corrupted and dysfunctional states, fractured states, failed states, non-state militias (some of them enemies of the superpower) 
  • ... and then finally into atomised anarchy.

In such worlds, the greatest threat to the superpower can come from the anarchic fringe. China built the Great Wall across thousands of kilometres of its northern frontier to keep the barbarians out. Rome for centuries was preoccupied with the Goths, the Huns and other invading tribes, and built Hadrian's Wall in Britain to keep the uncivlised Picts out. Now America has been forced to take border controls seriously, in the belated recognition that other people don't share the same values as Americans; in fact, they rather hate America.

Far from being a new human epoch, this post-Cold War struggle between the US and al Qaeda harks back to many earlier ages. 
 

Imperial overreach, internal decay and colliding worlds

There is a further sobering lesson from history: no matter how much each old superpower dominated its world, it could never control its world totally, nor determine its own fate. At its margins, it was always at risk of imperial overreach, at its centre at risk of internal conflict or decay. At different times, there was always some sort of balance between the might of the superpower and the tenacity of the minor contestants, between its own dynamism and stasis (or worse, implosion). 

Sometimes, the superpower is toppled by upstarts. Alexander, from the little state of Macedonia, seized the Persian Empire for himself in just a few years. Genghis Khan, roaming from one end of the Eurasian steppe to the other, must have surprised himself to have ended up possessing China, the Great Wall notwithstanding. 

The most dramatic historical discontinuities usually occur when worlds collide. When the maritime European countries muscled into East Asia, China's dominant position in its world vanished. When the Spanish conquistadors marched into the Mexican highlands, the Aztec's unipolar world collapsed nearly overnight.

What other worlds out there may one day collide into ours?

© Yawning Bread 


 

The amnesia of the descendants

We may even be misled by the example of the city-states of Ancient Greece. There was no dominant one among them for any length of time. And once again, we're led to believe that such a system of roughly equal states would be the norm.

We also focussed much on the contest between Athens and Sparta, which during the Cold War, we likened the US-USSR struggle to.

But what about Persia? By all accounts, the Persian Empire was the dominant power of that region from about 500 BCE to 300 BCE. The squabbling Greek city-states, even at their cultural peak, were a sideshow in that ancient world of the Near East, with Persia at its centre.

It's just that Western civilisation descended from the Greeks that we have given their political experience and perspective more weight than they actually had in their day. We have lost sight of the fact that even theirs was a unipolar world.

 

Footnotes

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Addenda

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